Navajo forced education mistake with photos

The Navajo   treaty  1868 required the government to provide education at the rate of one teacher for every thirty children between the ages of six and sixteen.

Navajo students at Carlisle upon arrival

Navajo students at Carlisle upon arrival

The feeling that education is a white man’s invention is completely in error and reflects the “father knows best” approach which characterizes so much of the dealings of the dominant society with the Native Americans.

The Navajos did have a traditional system of education which allowed and provided the means by which Navajo culture could be passed on, changed, and retained.

Tom Toslino - Navajo as he arrived at Carlisle and after 3 years after

Tom Toslino - Navajo as he arrived at Carlisle and after 3 years after

First, the development and reliance on off-reservation boarding schools was one of the major devices whereby formal Navajo education was effected. The objective was the destruction of Navajo culture by removing the child far from the harmful influence of his home and family.

Navajos as they arrived at the Carlisle School

Navajos as they arrived at the Carlisle School

Navajos six months after arrival at the Carlisle School

Navajos six months after arrival at the Carlisle School

Carlisle Indian School was founded by a man who had both courage and vision but a man whose vision did not include any future or need for Indian culture and the continuation of separate Indian tribes.
Colonel Pratt, the founder of Carlisle Indian School, was an army officer with experience in fighting Indians on the southern plains and whose dream for the Indian included the destruction of Indian tribal entities and the abolition of Indian culture.

The technique used to accomplish these twin purposes was the establishment of an army-oriented boarding school far removed from the damaging influences of Indian tribes, Indian parents and Indian reservations.

Colonel Pratt started a system of education which is still prevalent and evident today: boarding schools located in off-reservation communities. Many teachers in those and other types of Indian schools even today believe that the future success of Indian students will rest in direct proportion to the degree that they forget their Indian language, culture and history and become “real Americans” who understand and believe only in the primacy and supremacy of the dominant society and its way of life.

Ruth Underhill, Here Comes the Navajo, Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1953,
Richard Henry Pratt, Battlefield and Classroom -Four Decades with the American Indian, 1867-1904, Yale University Press, 1964.

Elle Ganado wife of Tom Ganado

Tom’s Ganado mother and some of his white friends succeeded in persuading him that eight wives were seven too many. Out of the eight Tom chose Elle, who, strange to say, is the only wife who has borne him no children.

Elle Ganado

Elle Ganado

Tom and  are wealthy, as Navajos count wealth, owning several flocks of sheep and goats (which are cared for by Tom’s army of grandchildren) much turquoise, wampum and an abundance of the typical Navajo hand-wrought silver jewelry.
Tourists who have come to know the old couple wonder if they do not long for the life and people of their home country. They do, occasionally, and visit the reservation, but always return before they had intended. Thoroughly Americanized in their mode of living and sanitary habits, Tom and Elle soon tire of the filth and superstition of their tribe.
To their white friends Tom and Elle exemplify everything Navajo, but to their relatives at home they are sorely contaminated by American cleanliness and are earnestly besought by the medicine men to give up their dangerous habits of bathing and changing clothes occasionally.

Most photographers posed Elle with Navajo children. usually girls. Although usually identified as her children, she had none, and these were likely those of other craft demonstrators or Tom’s grandchildren from an earlier marriage.

Barboncito, Navajo political and spiritual leader

Barboncito,  (1821-1871) was a famous Navajo political and spiritual leader who lived in Canyon de Chelly, had long been known as a peace leader, but he reluctantly turned warrior in 1860. With Carson’s invasion, he was among the first to surrender, but he rapidly experienced a change of heart. Finding his confinement unbearable, he escaped with five hundred others on the night of June 14, 1865. He was hunted by New Mexican militia units, but he avoided capture.
He also was known as Hastiin Hastiin Daagi (“Full-bearded Man”), Bislahalani (“the Orator”), and  (“Beautyway Chanter”). Barboncito was born into the Coyote Pass clan about 1820 and was a brother to Delgato.

Barboncito Navajo political and spiritual leader

Barboncito Navajo political and spiritual leader

American officials awarded authority to Navajos already in possession of some power. Determining leadership at the Bosque Redondo nonetheless proved difficult prior to the summer of 1866. Federal policy was based upon the idea that the government dealt with only a few Indian leaders who would bargain for the tribe.
But at the beginning of the experiment, there were few leaders with enough stature to command respect. Barboncito, known for his tough diplomacy, might have been an early spokesman for the Diné. Shortly after his somewhat early surrender, however, he became disillusioned with Carleton’s utopia and fled eastern New Mexico. Herrero had only a limited following.
As a result, the responsibility of government recognition fell upon Delgadito, who had originally been identified as an “Enemy Navajo,” one of a band of people long noted for their cooperation with Spanish, Mexican, and American representatives. Although he had briefly helped in the fight against the Americans, some doubt remained about his limited resistance during the Kit Carson campaign. He had been instrumental in arranging for the early surrender of himself and several other ricos, a surrender that was suspected of aiding in Carson’s victory.
By the time Barboncito, Manuelito, and Ganado Mucho had reached the reservation, the Bosque Redondo had become an administrative nightmare. Because of its expense, Carleton’s experiment had already come under considerable scrutiny. Investigations by various federal officials had become commonplace, especially after the Sand Creek Massacre of Cheyennes in 1864. One of the most famous of these investigations was a special joint congressional committee headed by Senator James R. Doolittle of Wisconsin. It was not, however, solely concerned with Navajos.
It was thus that Barboncito, Manuelito, and Ganado Mucho were propelled into leadership. These men found themselves  faced with a difficult situation. The Navajos could not afford to be malleable wards. This fact was dramatically illustrated just weeks after Ganado Mucho’s surrender.

 
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Manuelito Navajo leader and influential chief

Manuelito(1818–1893)who for many years was the most influential chief among the Navajoes. Latterly he lost much of his influence in consequence of his intemperate habits, though he was regarded as a sage counsellor till the time* of his death, which occurred in 1893. When he was gone, an old Indian, announcing his death to the writer, said : ” We are now a people without eyes, without ears, without a mind.”

Manuelito Navajo leader

Manuelito Navajo leader

He was Askkii Dighin (‘Holy Boy’), Dahaana Baadaane (Son-in-Law of Late Texan), Hastiin Ch’ilhaajin (“Black Weeds”) and as Nabaah Jilt’aa (War Chief, “Warrior Grabbed Enemy”) to other Diné, and non-Navajo nicknamed him “Bullet Hole”.

He was over six feet tall and weighed perhaps two hundred pounds. He was dressed all in deerskin with fringes on his coat and trousers and had on new leggings, buttoned at the side, and moccasins on his small feet. His hair was worn in many short braids and he had on a Mexican hat with a feather tucked into the brim and tassels hanging over. He wore many strings of beads around his neck, too, and was as fine a looking fellow as you ever saw.